Greece, the state & anti-fascism

by · October 4, 2013

Golden Dawn leader Nikolaos Michaloliakos under arrest

By KEVIN OVENDEN

The struggle against the most pernicious and entrenched neo-Nazi force in Europe is at a critical moment.

At stake in the dramatic arrests of Nikolaos Michaloliakos and other leaders of the Golden Dawn in Greece is not only the immediate future of a Nazi party that has 18 MPs, with 7 percent of the vote at the last general election, and a considerable street-fighting arm, but also the course of the social and political resistance in the European country hit hardest by crisis.

At issue too is the wider struggle in Europe against fascism, racism and xenophobia — as the rise of Golden Dawn has acted as an exemplar and loadstone for radicalising, far Right forces across the continent.

The sudden turn by the state and government of Antonis Samaras against GD is testament to sustained anti-fascist campaigning in Greece and to the eruption of popular fury at the fascist murder of much-loved, anti-racist hip hop artist Pavlos Fyssas. Within hours of Pavlos’s murder, tens of thousands of people took to the streets of dozens of cities across Greece targeting GD, one of whose cadres wielded the knife that felled him.

It was fear of a repeat of the uprising of December 2008 — resulting from the police murder of 15-year-old school student Alexandros Grigoropoulos — intersecting with a rising strike wave and the growth of the radical Left that led the government to act.

It certainly was not some inherent hostility towards the fascists on the part of Samaras and his New Democracy party.  At least three leading figures of the centre Right had entertained a possible coalition with the fascists (if they “moderated” slightly) as the ruling coalition dwindled to just the centre Right and the zombie social democratic party, Pasok.

Anti-fascist lawyers Evgenia Kouniaki, Takis Zwtos and Thanasis Kampagiannis outline the tip of a mountain of evidence linking GD to criminal activity and murder over the last few years, including to the murder of Pakistani worker Shehzad Luqman in January this year: one of his killers had piles of GD leaflets and a portrait of Michaloliakos in his flat. There were no raids of GD offices or of police stations implicated with the Nazis eight months ago.

Costas Douzinas, Hara Kouki and Antonis Vradis here sketch some of the extensive links between the fascists, and the centre Right and elements of the state. Last week brought revelations of paramilitary fascist training conducted by reserve elements of Greece’s special forces and the collusion of a leading figure of the secret service, EYP, in obstructing investigations into GD crimes.

Additionally, this is a government that has implemented the savage austerity memorandums while deliberately stoking racism, rounding up refugees and migrants, all as it increased state repression against the social movements. As this statement puts it succinctly, “It is the government that closed schools and hospitals, and opened concentration camps.”

It is also a government which, faced with the rise of the radical Left — with the main Left opposition party Syriza the potential victor of the next general election, has sought to vilify the whole Left, and by implication legitimise the fascist Right, by describing both as “twin extremes”, which are equally a threat to democracy.

Samaras revived that smear only this week on a visit to the US, comparing those in favour of an exit from the Eurozone and EU with GD thugs. That and the fact that the courts decided to release on bail several leading Nazi thugs — including Ilias Kasidiaris, who went on the run after attacking two female left-wing MPs on television last year — should be warning enough that the moves by the government and state against GD will not of their own accord destroy the Nazis. Still less will they tear out the links between GD, the centre Right, elements of the state and figures in the capitalist class.

Indeed, if the anti-fascist struggle is left at the institutional and “constitutional” level, there is a great danger that the Nazis can weather the storm and re-emerge as the anti-establishment pole in a society where there is an endemic crisis for the governmental parties.

The anti-fascist movement in Greece is contending with some key political lessons in order to avoid that and instead to turn this great upsurge into a movement that can liquidate the fascists as a political/physical force and in so doing undermine the government and policies that have incubated GD’s growth. These are lessons that have great salience elsewhere in Europe:

1) Fascism is a distinct threat — necessitating a broad yet militant response

The Greek anti-fascist and anti-racist coalition KEERFA was formed before GD entered the parliament last year and grew sharply. It argued that while, of course, the Nazis grew out of conditions and policies imposed by the governing establishment — austerity, institutional racism, the vilification of the Left using imagery from the civil war of the 1940s and so on — opposing fascism requires a specific political response rather than focusing on challenging its causes instead.

The fascist Right is not merely a resultant of political and social crisis. It is an actor in its own right, with force and direction. If allowed physical and political space to grow, the result is both its rapid establishment of street terror (under conditions of generalised crisis) and with it the radicalisation of the state machine and the politics of the Right as a whole.

The anti-fascist movement in Greece has argued consistently for closing down that space. It has meant popular mobilisations and the militant argument that the fascists are not a legitimate political force, but a violent gang, which should be treated as such in all arenas. On the basis of that argument it has sought to build the widest possible fighting unity across the Left, trade union movement and immigrant communities.

Immigrants have become central to anti-fascist activity

Immigrants have become central to anti-fascist activity

2) Anti-fascism requires anti-racism

After GD broke through many European media outlets honed in on fascist stunts, such as providing food distribution or blood banks for “Greeks only”. But GD’s growth was not the result of it being able to replace in any serious way state functions. Central to it was deepening institutional and popular racism. GD could say that while the politicians talked of being “overrun by immigrants” it was fascist cadres who were prepared to drive immigrants out of neighbourhoods and to take direct action.

So strategies that said that it was possible to deal with GD mainly by competing from the Left to provide social services missed the point. Challenging GD’s racism, concentrated into violent attacks on immigrants and then on the Left, was central. That meant putting the mobilisation and leading role of the immigrant communities who were directly under attack at the centre of resistance.

In so doing, migrant communities were re-presented as a part of the wider social resistance — part of “us” not “them”. At the same time such united mobilisations provided a visible and material basis for a fundamental anti-racist argument directed against the government and state.

While the fascists can attract some layers who are just disillusioned with establishment politics and the impact of austerity, their core support is from those who accept large numbers of racist myths. Opposing austerity without explicitly drawing anti-racist and anti-xenophobic conclusions, which usually do not “spontaneously” arise, will not destroy the fascist base.

3) Fascism grows with the state — not against it…

It was shocking, but not a surprise, to read reports that possibly half the Athens police force voted for GD in the second general election last year.

For all the pseudo-anti-capitalist and radical rhetoric, fascist formations have only ever seized power with the support of a dominant section of the capitalist class and their state. That was true of Mussolini, Hitler and the classical fascist parties.

The growth of fascism represents an extension and radicalisation of the state. The actual formation of a fascist regime comes after large elements of the state machine and ruling apparatus have already gone over to fascism as a final instrument when “normal” methods of police repression and right-wing, parliamentary politics have failed.

4) … But it matters enormously what the state does

That does not mean that we should be indifferent to what the state does or that the struggle against fascism is some kind of diversion from the battle against the governments of austerity and the repressive states they deploy.

To respond to the collusion between the police or government and the fascists by saying that the state and the fascists are as one is in effect to accept that the fascists are already on the road to power or that the state is so powerful it can militarise its response to the social movements at will. The seeming radicalism of that position reveals a fatalist despair.

It’s not that the establishment and the repressive forces of the state are not capable of terror. They are. It’s that the extent to which they feel able to deploy repression depends upon the balance of forces in the society. A key part of that balance is the extent to which fascist gangs are able to entrench inside neighbourhoods and in the social space.

The Left and working class movement have every interest in exposing collusion between the state and the fascists, rooting out fascist ties to the state and forcing the state to act against the fascists — not because the state is a reliable barrier to fascism, but because if it is forced to act the space to delegitimise the fascists grows and the door to weakening the repressive state itself widens.

Protest following the murder of Pavlos Fyssas

5) The fascists are unconstitutional — but they will not be stopped through a “constitutional consensus”

Faced with the enormous backlash at the murder of Pavlos Fyssas, the government temporarily dropped the language of the “twin extremes” of Right and Left and called on all the political parties to form with it a “constitutional arc” rejecting the fascists.

Its aim is to usurp the very anti-fascist movement it has attacked. And what is meant by “the law” and “the constitution” is contested. Successive Greek governments have ruled “unconstitutionally” over the last two years, with the appointment of an unelected prime minister — banker Lucas Papademos — and now the increasing use of executive diktat rather than parliamentary norms.

The article of the criminal code — number 187 — under which GD leaders face prosecution as a criminal enterprise has indeed been used against the Left. This is not a “constitutional” axis that the Left can be part of, especially as the prosecuting authorities wish to limit investigations so as to leave untouched the establishment while, for example, the district attorney of Athens has laid charges against a key leader of the anti-fascist movement, Petros Constantinou, a councillor in Athens.

None of this means that the Left should somehow champion the “constitutional rights” of the fascists, directly or implicitly. Rather it means precisely cutting through establishment manoeuvres in order both to liquidate the fascists and undermine the government from the Left.

The “constitution” that is of value for the Left is the freedom and space that have been won for the workers and social movements, whether reflected in attenuated form in the official laws of the state or accepted as a political fact or convention on account of accumulated struggles. That is what is threatened by fascism, and it is that popular “constitution” that masses of people can be won to defend.

6) A mass movement beyond establishment limits

The mass movement has political effect. It is why the Greek government has been forced to take what action against the fascists it has.

To fail to engage with the political reality the movement itself creates, to disavow its effects, is both to undermine its confidence in its own capacity and to surrender the political initiative to others.

The demands and next steps of the anti-fascist movement in Greece are directed at widening the breach it has already created. Alexis Tsipras, the leader of Syriza, last week said that he was “not for placing GD outside the law [i.e. banned as a party], but brought before the law”. This week he said he “trusted the Greek judicial authorities”.

Today the judge hearing the remand cases of various GD leaders “accidentally” gave the fascists’ lawyers the name and details of the former GD member turned whistleblower, who has provided testimony against them.

So holding the criminals of GD to account cannot be left to the authorities, which have collaborated with them. It requires systematically arguing for the gang to be dismantled at every level and for the trail of investigation into its violence and criminality to be pursued wherever it leads.

It means forcing the government to cut off the state funds that go to GD. If GD is a criminal gang, then its offices in neighbourhoods are centres of organising terror. They should be closed down, by any means necessary.

In other words, the official moves against GD will only have purchase if they continue to respond to an independent, militant movement that goes beyond the official confines and is prepared to act.

That’s why it was absolutely right at the huge anti-fascist rally outside the Greek parliament last week that the anti-fascist movement broke with the constitutional and legalistic consensus and set out to march on the GD headquarters.

The move was not ritualistic or by a small ultra-radical minority. It was the political assertion of the centrality of a mass movement, by that mass movement, in driving the struggle against fascism and racism.

That movement, which is holding an important conference in Athens this weekend, is now in a position to push forward the dismantling of GD and also — in combination with ongoing mass strikes and social struggles — to raise the pressure on the government to go.

These are some of the general lessons, put rather telegraphically, from the last week of struggle in Greece.

The biggest lesson, however, is that politics, strategy and tactics are not deducible from abstract schemes. Radicalism does not come from rhetoric or finding ultra-militant postures or points of distinction. They all come from concrete engagement in building a mass movement and with it fighting for a politics that seeks to cut through, rather than evade, the responses of the state and establishment.

Kevin is a national officer of Unite Against Fascism in Great Britain.

Discussion7 Comments

  1. Bernadette Maguire says:

    Excellent analysis and summary of the current fight against Fascism in Greece, the dangers inherent in relying on the State, and the need to build an independent, mass anti-Fascist movement, Kevin.

  2. Thank you, Bernadette. Very kind and encouraging.

  3. Δημήτρης says:

    Also the uneducated youth, especially boys, has learned to love violence through violent games in their computers, or through school bullying and the “law of the strong”, through images and violent videoclips and hit songs from MTV or YouTube, through domestic family violence maybe, through state violence of the Riot Police, through the violence inside greek football and their advertisement by all channels that present the worst football championship of europe (as it is UEFA’s Champions League or the Olympic Games) is very easy falling in the trap of the neonazi propaganda and brainstorm of “macho” nationalists “proud to be greek” pattern.
    The GD neonazi gang of mafia style killers and stabbers knows very well the education level of his fans and who to recruit, that lasts for months, and is going slowly, step by step, so that after brainwashing the victim, there is no danger that eventually one day he ll think independant and he ll question the GD logic that says that the greek politicians that governed us lead us to default and the destruction of the economy and to more austerity and that they are selling off evrything owned by the state (that is partly the truth, sadly) , and so we will attack in groups of 15-30 persons, armed with knifes and maybye also guns to these “dirty” immigrants or the anti-greek (not greek, opposed to the greeks, as they say) leftists and anarchists and “communists”. People who are angry for the austerity measures and the loss of our national integrity as a free and independant state, people who were ready to hate and to revenge for their misesy by attacking and stabbing innocent leftists like Fyssas or immigrants, people who learned only to hate everything different than their selves, people who want to beat and stab and kill their “enemies”, a real disgrace for our proud and once glorious country, people who still support this Neonazi gang because, as the leaders of Golden Dawn say, it is a global conspiracy that is currently carried out against GD (!!!).
    Official GD propaganda also says that there are no evidence for any crime that they did. A simple search in Youtube for neonazi golden dawn attacks by Golden Dawn will be very enlightened for any who still has any objection that GD is behind 1+4+4 murders and over 300 attacks with knifes – beatings.
    Just an example : User of subway metro of Athens records with danger of his own life video with his cell phone while (pretending? that) he calls some friend and informs him of what is happening in front of his eyes in a station of Athens Metro:
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zg12Jtfsjw0
    A group of 15 or more people beated and finally stabbed an immigrant in this video, and the policeman or the metro guard did nothing (also in Fyssas case Police was present, 12 policemen was there, with 12 pistols and they stated that “We cannot do anything against 30 members of Golden Dawn” !!!! So the Greek Police, who voted for Golden Dawn in the incredible percent of 45% cannot do anything against the Golden Dawn gangs and attack platoons, because they are “afraid” of them, not because they support and vote for them. That also tells us much for the police recruitment criteria over the last years and how they select “random” citizens who want to protect “law and order”, the constitution and democracy in Greece. The rule is one, if you are member of Golden Dawn, you ll get hired. Simple.

    Funny that they call everyone who doesn;t agree with their racist, fascist and neonazi propaganda : traitor, not greek, turk, gay, wealthy.
    So it is also a main problem of education except problem of democracy who is raped everyday since May 2009 and the Papandreou talk in Kastellorizo where he informed us that he already did anything nessecary to ask for “help” from ECB and IMF so that the “ship won’t sink”.
    4 years later we all see how well this “ship” sails, after we were forced to follow ECB and IMF “instructions”. (I hope you can understant that these measures create hate against anything that comes from our European “Partners”)

    Over 4.000 suicides of hopeless citizens in Greece. A constant crime by the auterity policy that is imposed by brutal force and thousands of teargas canisters in any demonstration. The most difficult to prevent. You can’t spot the victims before they commit suicide, they are too proud to ask for any help from anyone, they even think that they have become a useless “weight” for their families and that they are become useless to their family and the society (as a man wrote in his suicide note).

    27% unemployment / 50% in youth under 25,
    1.250.000 unemployed workers
    Total collapse of Public Health services and Public Education
    Terrorizing any act of strike and workers who participate on workers unions.
    Beatings of individuals because they are
    Dramatic Drop of income and quality of life for all except 1000 families
    Debt , that is now higher than ever in % of GDP
    Memorandums of “Mutual Understanding” are needed as Term for loans that bankers give – In advance they ask for anything : Natural gas and oil reserves, gold in chalkidiki, even islands to be sold, everything that the state ownes to be selled or destroyed even if it very profitable, for example OPAP / ΟΠΑΠ (the ex-national gaming and betting organisation), ERT / ΕΡΤ (the ex-national greek television), State owned railways (OSE, ΟΣΕ), state owned and builded Electricity company (DEH, ΔΕΗ), Ports, Highways, all the infrastructure that the greek people payed all these years through taxes and were build also with help by EU are being selled to private sector.
    Just to name an example, OPAP who was contributing over 5 Billion Euros to the State incomes per year, was sold to businessmen who are personal friends of Primeminister Antonis Samaras and well known football team owner and known gangster.
    ERT was profitable, but the government who raised and supported the neonazi Golden Dawn couldn’t accept the greek national television to inform us that Guardian had an article about tortures in the centre of Athens, in the Police Headquarters of Athens (ΓΑΔΑ). It was unacceptable, the minister of Nazi Protection, Dendias, even sayed that the greek government will press charges againts Guardian !!! Sad for him, the next day a forensic surgeon who examined the victims of torture inside Police cells, announced that they had been tortured indeed and they have severe injuries and that there are noumerous proof or tortures.
    The same day, the 2 journalists Kostas Arvanitis and Marilena Katsimi were fired from ERT, some months before the final closing of the whole ERT.
    Funny that Golden Dawn presents herself as proud greeks and patriots, but speaks
    in favour of the shutting down of ERT.

    The reason for the neonazi Golden Dawn phenomena is mainly the economic crisis, the austerity of the low-income class and unemployment.
    Golden Dawn was paying the killer of Fyssas for other “jobs” also (beatings etc.) It was not a “random incident”, or “accident”.
    Former GD member said that they had programmed more killings of leftists already, and that the beatings and stabbings of immigrants was only their warm up. Also stated that once they played football with the head of a killed immigrant. And that this was the point that he decided to leave GD and that he received noumerous life-threads if he dares to leave GD. You can easy imagine how unprotected this witness is by the greek police (that voted in 50% Golden Dawn !!! ) .
    Of course that is under the protection of “Minister of Protection of the Citizen”
    Dendias, who is in fact the Minister Of Protection Of The Nazis, who was a member of a neonazi organisation in his youth too, other and smaller than GD.
    Also this Government has Voridis as a Minister, who was chasing leftists and anarchists in his youth with selfmade axe (there is also a photo for this) and
    the most ridiculous greek politician, Adonis Georgiadis, former TV Host of B-Quality Book Selling and hate speech show, all far right in their believes, all speaking very often against immigrants and this way feeding the racism and xenophobia in the greek tv for over a decade. Other books he advertized speak about UFO’s. underground living races who will emerge from the surface of the earth and figth against evil in the side of the Greeks who will conquer the whole world again (!!) and other bullshit like this.

    Sorry for my bad english, and sorry if i insulted any of you, but this is the situation here. If we don’t change the polcy and if we continue to be slaves of the Eurozone, the situation will very easy transform to a civil war, just as GD PM Panagiotaros admitted in a BBC interview almost one year ago. Other GD candidate for PM said, on camera, that they will light up the “ovens” (like in Auschwitz). Proudly, on camera.
    They want to drag us in a civil war, that is more than clear.
    I am really impressed of the self-disciplin of the left and everyone else until now.
    But i dont know how much longer can this discipline of not taking revenge hold. Especially when we were infromed by a former GD member of the attack platoons that they already have plans for more murders of leftists, especially when they are also somehow known, like Fyssas was somehow known and relative loved by young ages for his songs. The influence of his antifascist lyrics in some songs of Fyssas was the reason for his murder designed, organized and ordered by GD Leader Nikos Michaloliakos himself. There is no attack or murder without his order, the same witness said. GD even had her own coroners who in many cases didnt saw anything that could proove an attack or a beating. Members of GS said that in a phone call that was being tapped and recorded by greek national security agency, who’s head of Department for Phone Tapping was a relative with a Golden Dawn MP !!!
    Many Police Station Chiefs and high ranked officers of Police were removed or arrested for their connections with GD.
    Greek Police, had already for many months all the evidence of the crimes of this neonazi gang for 32 cases against GD, but only after the killing of Fyssas, the massive demonstrations, and of course the pressure from around the globe for the state’s tolerance to the neonazis, finally handed all these facts to justice, so that some seaching is done. And lets not forget that they gave plenty of precious time to the neonazi organisation to hide weapons and any other incriminating fact that has been found on local GD offices, that include weapons, (pistols and rifles) , ammonition, police gear, greek flags that have wooden mast thicker than the flag itself, shields, etc. Even in the leader’s home, who is called Fuhrer from the members in private, were 3 illegal guns found, 2 pistols and a rifle, plus 43100 Euros under his bed. The GD Bank Account is co-owned by Michaloliakos himself, he can withdraw all the money from this account !

    Again, sorry for my bad english, but believe me, i had no money to pay for private school to learn better english than that and in the public school the lessons are just not enough to learn good english. Education problem, again, like the rise of the far-rigth neonazism and fascism in a country that suffered a death toll of 1.250.000 during the WWII by the Nazis. History repeating? I hope not.

    Jim (Dimitris) from occupied Greece where GD attack platoons are terrorising the suburbs and spreading fear with the support of police and the coalition government. With a wish that Fyssas was the last victim of fascism and neonazism.

  4. [...] This is a guest post by Kevin Ovenden. This article is cross-posted at Left Flank. [...]

  5. anticapitalista says:

    Kevin, an excellent article and your conclusion in particular this bit at the end “…concrete engagement in building a mass movement and with it fighting for a politics that seeks to cut through, rather than evade, the responses of the state and establishment.”

    The fact that the anti-fascist and anti-racist movement as a whole here in Greece has put demands on the state (and at the same time not relying solely on the state to do anything) has been its strength. The government was forced to act because of the huge resistence to the XA neo-nazis since the murder of Pavlos Fyssas all over the country and seeing these scum behind bars is welcome. Still, as Dimitris quite rightly points out, this is not the end of the matter and the fight to root out all the neo-nazis continues as does the fight to remove them once and forever by fighting for the overthrow of capitalism.

  6. [...] piece is a follow-up to “Greece, the state & anti-fascism”, which was subsequently also posted at Socialist Unity in the UK and Socialist Worker in the [...]